Friday, February 29, 2008

Olavo de Carvalho´s Article : President Lula - Guilty by Confession

I´ve just received this. It is an English translation of one of the most important articles from Brazilian philosopher Olavo de Carvalho, that explains the Lula da Silva´s hidden (it is really hidden? ) agenda.
Roxane, Olavo´s lovely wife has brought me this.
Thank you.

President Lula, Guilty by  Confession

Olavo de Carvalho

Diário do  Comércio (São  Paulo, Brazil), September 26th, 2005    

Translated by David Carvalho and Donald  Hank



I should be grateful to Mr. President Lula. When  practically all the national media makes an effort to cover up the activities of  the Sao Paulo Forum or even to deny its existence, labeling as a "madman" or  "fanatic" anyone who denounces them, cometh the very founder of the entity and  does the job, proving by his own words the most depressing suspicions and some  even worse.


The presidential speech on July 2, 2005, stated in the  fifteen year anniversary of the Forum and reproduced in the government's  official site,,  is the explicit confession of a conspiracy against the national sovereignty, an  infinitely more serious crime than all crimes of corruption perpetrated and  covered up by the current government; a crime that, by itself, would justify not  only impeachment but also the imprisonment of its  perpetrator.


At the distance at which I find myself, I have only now  become fully aware of this unique document, and yet the editors-in-chief of the  major newspapers and of all the radio and TV news broadcasts in  Brazil were there the whole time.  Being aware of the speech since the date it was made, they still remained  silent, proving that their persistent hiding of the facts was not the result of  distraction or pure incompetence: it was subservient, Machiavellian complicity  with a crime, of which they expected to enjoy profits  unknown.


The meaning of these paragraphs, once unearthed from the  verbal garbage that wraps it, is crystal clear:


"As a function of the existence of the Sao Paulo Forum,  comrade Marco Aurelio has played an extraordinary role in this effort to  consolidate what we started in 1990... This was how we, in January 2003,  proposed to our comrade, president Chavez, the creation of the Group of Friends  to find a peaceful solution that, thank God, took place in Venezuela. And it was  only possible thanks to a political action between comrades. It was not a  political action of either a State with another State, or either one president  with another president. Some will remember, Chavez attended one of the forums we  held in Havana.  And thanks to this relationship it was possible for us to build, with many  political divergences, the consolidation of what took place in  Venezuela, with the  referendum that installed Chavez as president of Venezuela.


"In this way we could act, together with other countries,  with our comrades of the social movement, of those countries' parties, of the  union movement, always using the relationship built in the Sao Paulo Forum so  that we could talk without appearing to do so, and so that people would not  understand any political interference taking  place."


What the President admits in these excerpts is  that:


1. The Sao  Paulo Forum is a secret or at least undercover entity  ("built... so that we could talk without seeming so, and so that people would  not understand any political interference taking  place").


2. This entity is actively involved in the internal  politics of many Latin-American nations, making decisions and determining the  course of events, at the margins of all supervision by government, parliaments,  justice and public opinion.


3. The so called "Group of Friends of Venezuela" was but  an arm, agency or facade of the Sao Paulo Forum ("as a function of the existence  of the Forum... we proposed to our comrade president  Chavez."..).


4. After being elected in 2002, he, Luis Inacio Lula da  Silva, while having abandoned pro forma his position as president of the  Sao Paulo Forum, giving the impression that he was free to rule Brazil without  commitments with ill-explained foreign alliances, kept working underground for  the Forum, helping, for instance, to produce the results of the Venezuelan  referendum of August 15, 2004 ("thanks to this relationship it was possible for  us to provide the consolidation of what took place in Venezuela"), without  giving his voters the slightest satisfaction for  this.


5. The orientation in vital issues of Brazilian foreign  policy was decided by Mr. Lula not as President of the Republic at meetings with  his ministers, but as an attendee and advisor of underground meetings with  foreign political agents ("it was a political action between comrades, not a  political action either of one State with another, or of one president with  another"). He put loyalty to his "comrades" above his duties as a  president.


The President confesses, in short, that he subjected the  country to decisions made by foreigners, gathered in conferences of an entity  whose actions the Brazilian people would not be made privy to, much less  understand.


The active humiliation of the national sovereignty could  not be more evident, especially when one realizes that the attending entities of  these decision-making meetings include organizations such as the Chilean MIR,  kidnapper of Brazilians, and the FARC, Colombian narcoguerilla, responsible,  according to its member Fernandinho Beira-Mar, for the annual injection of two  hundred tons of cocaine into the national market.


Never before has an elected president of any civilized  country showed such complete disdain for the Constitution, the laws, the  institutions and the entire electorate, while giving all confidence, all  authority, to a conclave swarming with criminals, in tracing the nation's  destiny and its relations with its neighbors behind the people's backs. Never  before in Brazil was there such a brazen,  complete and cynical traitor as Luis Inacio Lula da  Silva.


The greatest proof that he consciously eluded the opinion  of the public, keeping them ignorant of the operations of the Sao Paulo Forum,  is that, as the elections approached, fearing my constant denunciation of this  entity, he told his "advisor for international affairs," Giancarlo Summa, to  placate the newspapers by means of an official note from the Workers Party  stating that the Forum was just an innocent debating club, devoid of any  political action (see   and  


And now he boasts of the "political action of comrades,"  performed with resources from the Brazilian government and hidden from Congress,  justice and public opinion.


Compared to such an immense crime, what importance can  the Mensalão and the like phenomena have (v., but as a means of financing operations that are only  part of the overall strategy of transferring national sovereignty to the secret  authority of foreigners?


Can there be greater disproportion than between ordinary  cases of corruption and this supreme crime for which they served as  instruments?


The answer is obvious. But why then did many readily  denounce the means while agreeing to keep covering up the  ends?


Here the answer is less obvious. It requires presorting.  The denouncers are divided in two types: (A) individuals and groups committed to  the Sao Paulo Forum's scheme, but not directly involved in the use of these  illicit means in particular; (B) individuals and groups unrelated to both  things.


The rationale of the former is simple, to whit: off with  the rings, but keep the fingers. Once it has become impossible to keep hiding  the use of illicit instruments, they agree to throw their most notorious  operators under the bus, in order to keep perpetrating the same crime by other  means and agents. The content and even the style of the charges leveled by these  people reveal their nature as pure decoys. When they attribute the Workers Party  corruption, which started as early as 1990, to settlements with the IMF signed  in 2003 on, they show that their need to lie does not shrink even before plain  and simple material impossibility. When they cast the blame on some "group,"  hiding the fact that the ramifications of the criminal structure extended from  the Presidency of the Republic to the rural town halls, implicating practically  the whole party, they prove that they have as much to hide as those that were  charged at the time.


More complex are the motivations of group B. In part, it  is composed of characters devoid of fiber, physical and moral cowards, who would  rather focus on the lesser details for fear of seeing the continental dimensions  of the overall crime. There is also the subgroup of the intellectually weak, who  stake their bets on the "death of communism" nonsense and now, in order not to  contradict themselves, feel obliged, to reduce the greatest coup scam in the  history of Latin America to the more manageable dimensions of an ordinary  corruption scheme, depoliticizing the meaning of the facts and pretending that  Lula is nothing more than a  Fernando Collor  without a jet ski. There are those who, out of either opportunism or stupidity,  collaborated way too much with the rise of the criminal party to power and now  feel divided between the impulse to cleanse themselves of the stench of the bad  company they kept, and the impulse to lessen the crime to avoid the burden of  their complicity in it. There are also the pseudo-experts who aided and abetted  the enemy, blinded by the insane illusion that it is more viable to defeat him  by gnawing at him from the edges than by landing a death blow in his heart.  There are, finally, those who truly understand nothing of what's going on and,  parroting Brazilian speech patterns, just repeat what they hear, in hopes of  blending in.


I earnestly ask all the flaming anti-corruption accusers  of recent weeks – politicians, media owners, businessmen, journalists,  intellectuals, judges, and military – to examine carefully their own  consciences, if they have any left, to see in which of these subgroups they  fall. Because, aside from those few Brazilians of valor who supported in timely  fashion the charges against the Sao Paulo Forum, all the others will inevitably  fall into one of them.


It would be absurd to blame only Lula and the Sao Paulo  Forum for the Brazilian moral decay, forgetting the contribution they got from  these fair-weather moralists, as eager to denounce the parts as they are to hide  the whole picture. Nothing could have fueled national self-deceit more than this  marvelous network of complicities and omissions born of motivations that, while  varied, converge into the same result, namely, the creation of a false  impression of transparent investigations, and a facade of normality and  lawfulness even as the entire order crumbles, invisibly gnawed away from the  inside.


The destruction of order and its replacement by "a new  pattern of relationships between State and society," decided in secret meetings  with foreigners — such was Mr. Lula's confessed objective. This objective, as he  said in another part of the same speech, should be attained and consolidated "in  a manner such that it can be sustained, regardless of who is governing the  country."


What is perceived from the behavior of Mr. Lula's critics  and accusers is that, in this general objective, he has already emerged  victorious, regardless of the success or failure that he may have in the rest of  his term. The new order whose name may not be spoken is already in place, and  its authority is such that not even the president's fiercest enemies dare to  challenge it. All of them, in one way or another, have already committed  themselves at least implicitly to put the Sao Paulo Forum above the  Constitution, the laws and the institutions of Brazil. If they  complain about looting, embezzlement, vote buying and bribes, it is precisely to  avoid complaining about the transfer of national sovereignty to the continental  conference of "comrades," like Hugo Chavez, Fidel Castro, the Colombian  narcoguerillas and the Chilean kidnappers. It is like a rape victim protesting  the damage to her hairdo, neglecting to mention, even politely, the rape  itself.


Perhaps the deeds of Mr. Lula and his wretched Forum  would not have wrought such vast damage in Brazil as this  total inversion of proportions, complete destruction of moral judgment, and  total corruption of the public conscience. Never before has such a profound  agreement between accusers and accused been seen that would indulge the crime,  denounced with so much attention to the details, so as to succeed in the overall  objectives "without seeming to do so and so that people would not  understand."



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